One policy of President Trump that has captured the current attention of the public, elected officials, and the national media is his previous use of and future plans to use the military to address crime in select large American cities.
In June, Trump federalized 4,000 California National Guard troops and mobilized 700 U.S. Marines in response to violent protests against immigration raids in Los Angeles.
In August, Trump mobilized the Washington DC National Guard (which as President he controls) and also took over the Washington DC police department to address crime in the District of Columbia.
There are ongoing and unresolved disagreements on the severity of the problem in select large cities, the need for and appropriateness of using the military for domestic law enforcement purposes, and the authority of the Trump administration to federalize state National Guard troops without informing or securing consent from governors.
Currently, the most outspoken elected officials who oppose to Trump’s actions are Los Angeles Mayor Karen Bass, California Governor Gavin Newsom, Chicago Mayor Brandon Johnson, Illinois Governor JB Pritzker, Baltimore Mayor Brandon Scott, and Maryland Governor Wes Moore.
Opposition from large city mayors is not universal. Washington DC Mayor Muriel Bowser initially opposed Trump’s decision to use the military in our nation’s capital. She has since touted the positive impact it has had on reducing crime, especially on the numbers of murders and car jackings, but still expresses unresolved concerns about presidential authority over DC affairs.
One irrefutable fact on this matter is that Trump’s actions, while generating opposition are not unprecedented.
In 1957, President Eisenhower dismissed opposition of the governor of Arkansas and issued an executive order federalizing the Arkansas National Guard. Eisenhower also sent 1,000 U.S. Army soldiers to Arkansas to maintain law and order as the formerly white students-only Little Rock Central High School was integrated.
In 1962, President Kennedy dismissed the opposition of the governor of Mississippi and issued an executive order federalizing the Mississippi National Guard to join federal troops and U.S Marshals to help address violence resulting from admitting a Black student at the formerly all-white University of Mississippi.
In 1965, President Johnson refused a demand from the governor of Alabama to mobilize federal troops to defend a civil rights protest march. Instead, Johnson federalized the Alabama National Guard for that mission.
In 1967, President Johnson ordered The U.S. Army’s 82nd Division and 101st Airborne Division to Detroit to address what were until then the bloodiest urban riots in the country.
In their official announcement about these orders, White House officials said Johnson’s actions occurred after he concluded “a condition of domestic violence and disorder” existed.
In a televised address, Johnson acknowledged that normally law enforcement is the responsibility of local officials and the governors of the respective states. He also acknowledged the federal government should not intervene, except in the most extraordinary circumstances. Johnson explained his view on most extraordinary circumstances — “The fact of the matter, however, is that law and order have broken down in Detroit. The Federal Government in the circumstances here presented had no alternative but to respond. We will not tolerate lawlessness. We will not endure violence. It will not be tolerated. This Nation will do whatever it is necessary to do to suppress and to punish those who engage in it.”
In 1968, President Johnson ordered regular Army and federalized National Guard troops into Washington DC to address rioting and looting the nation’s capital following the murder of the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King. His order included airlifting a brigade of the U.S. Army’s 82d Airborne Division (2,500 soldiers) from North Carolina to standby at Andrews Air Force Base
Despite a contentious war of words between President Trump, Governor Moore, and Mayor Scott, there may be significant changes in how crime is addressed in Baltimore.
Moore and Scott have launched a “renewed collaboration” between the Baltimore City Police Department and the Maryland State Police.
Moore has also suggested he is willing to accept help from the federal government to address crime in Baltimore, but only with federal law enforcement personnel such as FBI agents and agents from the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms, and Explosives.
These are shrewd and timely moves on Moore’s part.
The results of AP NORC survey conducted late last month reported that two-thirds of the public responding to their survey thinks crime in the United States is a major problem and even more, 81%, think it’s a major concern in cities.
Moore has acknowledged without being as dismissive as he was previously that crime in Baltimore is a problem that needs to be addressed.
Ultimately, any success on reducing crime in Baltimore could help Moore’s re-election campaign to advance a narrative he is serious about crime in Baltimore, and he is willing to work with a Republican administration in Washington on addressing it.
David Reel is a consultant who provides counsel and services on public affairs and public relations. He is also a consultant who provides counsel and services on not-for-profit organizational governance, leadership, and management matters. He lives in Easton.